A Review by Anatomía de una Trampa
Fighting Corruption through Diplomacy
Anatomía de una Trampa by Fernando Berguido Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial México, 2017
While campaigning, many politicians in Latin America use the rhetoric of dignity and rectitude to sway voters. However, in power, they often forget electoral promises, abusing their position for their own beneft and that of their close circle. Ricardo Martinelli was no exception. The successful businessman was elected president of Panama in 2009, with a platform of honesty and personal integrity: “I am a rich man, and I have no need to rob,” he declared. But his actions were a far cry from his words, and when he reached the presidency, he dedicated himself to multiplying his already great fortune.
In Anatomía de una Trampa, journalist and former Harvard Nieman Fellow Fernando Berguido relates, with a wealth of details, one of the greatest scandals of international corruption involving Presidente Martinelli: a case known as Finmeccanica. The story—a blend of journalistic investigation and historical novel—is also the testimony of a citizen ghting a battle against corruption. The author shares his experience as Panama’s ambassador to Italy, sent by current President Juan Carlos Varela to unravel the judicial wrongs which arose from the shady business dealings of the Martinelli government with several Italian rms.
Berguido declares that when Martinelli ended his mandate in 2014, cases of corruption were sprouting like mushrooms: “Corruption was drowning the country. It was not the first corrupt government. Unfortunately, we have had four administrations, democratically elected, in which the cheating was coordinated from the presidential office. But in the previous governments, to some degree, an effort was made to guard appearances and to show certain restraint. Martinelli broke the mold. It was plunder. There was not a single public works project without the shadow of corruption.”
When Martinelli took office, he sought out Italian Prime Minister and media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi to seek business with Italian firms. Panama made the largest direct purchase in its history from Finmeccanica, avoiding the legality of a bidding process. The transactions included radars, helicopters, boats and digital maps. The author calls this deal “literally a dance of millions of dollars,” in which million-dollar commissions were destined to a business—an intermediary—by the name of Aga a, whose purpose was to enrich the president, his family and business partners.
Those of us who have lived in countries where corruption is a habitual practice recognize in this narrative a history of our own realities. We can, through this recounting, look the monster directly in the eyes. The agreements signed between the Panamanian government and Finmeccanica and its affiliates represent, according to Berguido, “a modern version of greediness without limits or shame.” The negotiation for luxurious helicopters; the way in which government officials organize to coopt the state; and the political appointments that permit the justice system to become an accomplice of corruption are all situations to which we are accustomed.
With rare exception, corruption has been a constant in the history of Latin American countries, with justice systems often as accomplices to the looting of state coffers. Spineless judges have not been capable of putting a brake on the abuse of power by the government of the day. Because of this, it is easy to identify with the frustration Berguido expresses, “To confirm, with concrete facts, the great plunder of my country was very painful. Even harder was to know, with the very poor system of Panamanian justice, eternal pimp to impunity, probably the embezzlement would have remained a simple anecdote. Without punishment.” This appropiation of funds during Martinelli’s administration was very similar to that which took place in Guatemala, my country, during the government of Otto Pérez Molina. There the former president has faced multiple judicial processes on corruption charges since 2015, although up until now with impunity because of the legal artifices of his lawyers and because of the obstacles the judicial system set up precisely to protect the corrupt.
Like other Central American countries, Panama lacks a solid system of justice that guarantees the impartiality of the courts. The case of Finmeccanica, like others in which powerful government officials are under investigation, demonstrates that where the system of justice is weak and is used to protect the corrupt, international judicial cooperation is needed to investigate in an objective and impartial manner. Berguido’s narrative demonstrates the difference between an independent system of justice like that of Italy, capable of investigating its country’s top authorities, and that of Panama, used to cloaking its officials with impunity.
The author relates how the Panamanian judicial system during Martinelli’s government was used to block the investigation. The Attorney General himself asked that the case be closed for lack of evidence. Meanwhile, in Italy, the ongoing investigation produced mounting evidence about the corruption surrounding the contracts with Panama. At the same time, the investigation was going nowhere in Panama with the government defending the legality of the contracts, while concealing information on grounds of national security. In Italy, the prosecutors, legal experts, judges and officials in the Bureau of Financial Oversight demonstrated with irrefutable evidence the shady role of officials, intermediaries and contractors in the deals with Panama. “Without mincing words, the Italian prosecutor was directly pointing the finger at Presidente Martinelli for bribery.”
Due to Berguido’s diligent and timely efforts as ambassador, the Republic of Panama was legally recognized as an affected party within the judicial process for the crime of international corruption, as it is known in Italy. Moreover, because Berguido is both a lawyer and investigative journalist, he managed to carry out successfully the complex diplomatic negotiations that voided the contracts with Finmeccanica and obligated the Italian firms to recognize the surcharges and reimburse the amount to Panama. This process of resolving a problem through diplomatic negotiations marked the beginning of a new era in the commercial relations between the two nations, one in which the goal is to develop projects in accordance with the law and the spirit of transparency.
When President Varela disclosed the results of the negotiations, he stressed it was a commercial agreement that did not impede the criminal prosecution of those responsible. Many Panamanians demonstrated unconditional support of these efforts, since the case exemplified that with political will and honest officials, it is the country and its inhabitants who reap the benefits.
Anatomía de una trampa is a thorough documentation of how some rulers enrich themselves through government business, but it is also a tale about the effectiveness of diplomacy when handled with expertise.
The way in which the annulment of the contracts was negotiated with the resulting return of the surcharges can serve as an inspiration to other Latin American countries still under the shadow of multimillion bribes paid by the Odebrecht firm to public officials. It is not enough to initiate criminal proceedings against those responsible for these illegal deals; it is also necessary to require that the company return the over-priced surcharges to the state.
As Berguido aptly illustrates in his compelling and well- written narrative, it is necessary to nd mechanisms to break the vicious circle of those Latin American rulers protected by “an unwritten Mafia pact of impunity” in which new presidents end up covering for the previous one so that the next will do the same.
Berguido’s book ought to be required reading for those who recognize that corruption is one of the greatest obstacles to the development of countries. It should also be required reading for those honest officials who are willing to work for the good of their country and for those of us who push for reforms in the justice systems in the hope that someday the courts will have the tools to punish those who abuse power.
Una reseña de Anatomía de una trampa
Por Claudia Escobar, PhD.
La época electoral muchos políticos en Latinoamérica utilizan el discurso de la dignidad y la rectitud para obtener votos a su favor. Sin embargo, cuando alcanzan la presidencia se olvidan de sus promesas electorales y abusan de su posición para beneficio propio y el de su círculo cercano. Ricardo Martinelli no fue la excepción. El exitoso empresario resultó electo presidente de Panamá en 2009, con un discurso de honestidad en el que aseguraba tener una garantía de integridad: “Yo soy rico, no necesito robar” aseguraba. Pero sus acciones estaban muy alejadas de sus palabras y en cuanto llegó a la presidencia se empeñó en acrecentar su fortuna.
En el libro “Anatomía de una Trampa”, Fernando Berguido relata, con lujo de detalles, uno de los mayores escándalos de corrupción internacional en el que se vio envuelto el ex presidente Martinelli; se trata del caso conocido como Finmeccanica. El texto es una mezcla de investigación periodística y novela histórica, pero también es el testimonio de un ciudadano que lucha contra la corrupción. En la narrativa el autor comparte su vivencia como embajador de Panamá en Italia, a donde es enviado por el presidente Juan Carlos Varela para desentrañar un entuerto judicial, que surgió de los negocios turbios del gobierno de Martinelli con varias empresas italianas.
Afirma Berguido que cuando Martinelli finalizó su mandato en el año 2014, los casos de corrupción brotaron como hongos. “La corrupción ahogaba al país. No se trataba de que fuera el primer gobierno corrupto. Lastimosamente llevábamos cuatro gobiernos, democráticamente elegidos, en los cuales desde el despacho del presidente se coordinaban la trampa. Pero los anteriores, de alguna forma, procuraban respetar las apariencias y mostraban cierta mesura. Martinelli rompió el molde. Fue un pillaje. No habría obra pública sin la sombra de la corrupción.”
Al asumir el poder Martinelli, buscó un acercamiento con Berlusconi para hacer negocios con las empresas italianas. Panamá realizó con Finmeccanica la compra directa más grande de su historia, obviando el proceso de licitación. Las transacciones incluían radares, helicópteros, lanchas y mapas digitales. Indica el autor que era literalmente la danza de los millones, donde se pactaron comisiones millonarias para una empresa –intermediaria- de nombre Agafia, en la cual resultaba beneficiado el presidente, su familia y sus socios comerciales.
Los contratos firmados entre el gobierno de Panamá con Finmeccanica y sus filiales representan según Berguido “Una versión moderna de codicia sin límites ni pudor”. Quienes hemos vivido en países donde la corrupción es una práctica habitual, reconocemos en la narrativa de ese caso la historia de nuestras propias realidades y podemos, en el relato, ver al monstro directamente a la cara. La negociación de helicópteros de lujo; la complicidad de los medios de comunicación para tergiversar los hechos; la manera como los funcionarios se organizan para cooptar el Estado y los nombramientos políticos que permiten que el sistema de justicia sea cómplice de la corrupción, son situaciones a las que estamos acostumbrados.
Raras excepciones, la corrupción ha sido una constante en la historia de los países de América Latina, en donde los sistemas de justicia han sido cómplices del saqueo del Estado, pues los jueces timoratos no han sido incapaces de poner un freno al abuso de poder de los gobernantes de turno. Por eso es fácil identificarse con la frustración que expresa Berguido: “Confirmar, con hechos directos, lo que ha sido la gran rapiña de mi país era muy doloroso. Más duro era saber que, con el paupérrimo sistema de justicia panameño, alcahuete perenne de la impunidad, probablemente el desfalco terminaría siendo una anécdota. Sin castigo.” El desfalco ocurrido durante la administración de Martinelli, en Panamá, es similar a lo que ocurrió en Guatemala durante el gobierno de Otto Pérez Molina. Allí también el ex presidente enfrenta múltiples procesos judicial por corrupción desde el año 2015, los que a la fecha no han sido castigados por las artimañas legales interpuestas por sus abogados y por los vericuetos jurídicos que el mismo sistema ha creado para proteger a los corruptos.
Como otros países centroamericanos adolece de un sistema de justicia solido que garantice la imparcialidad de las cortes. En el caso de Finmeccanica, como otros, en los que se investiga a funcionarios poderosos, demuestra que cuando el sistema de justicia es débil y se usa para proteger a los corruptos, hace falta de la cooperación judicial internacional para investigar de manera objetiva e imparcial. Queda patente en la historia la diferencia entre un sistema de justicia independiente como el italiano que fue capaz de investigar a las más altas autoridades de su país y el panameño que es utilizado para blindar de impunidad a sus funcionarios.
Autor narra la manera en que el sistema judicial panameño, durante el gobierno de Martinelli, fue utilizado para bloquear la investigación. El propio procurador pidió que la investigación fuera cerrada por falta de pruebas. Mientras en Italia la investigación avanzaba y arrogaba pruebas contundentes de la corrupción en los contrataciones con Panamá, en este país del istmo centroamericano era imposible iniciar procedimientos penales para deducir responsabilidades por las anomalías en los contratos. Es más, el gobierno panameño defendía la legalidad de los mismos, a la vez ocultaba información, aduciendo razones de seguridad nacional. En Italia los fiscales, peritos, jueces y oficiales de la Guardia de Finanzas demostraron con pruebas irrefutables el rol de los funcionarios, intermediarios y contratistas en las transacciones ilegales en los negocios con Panamá. “La fiscalía italiana señalaba directamente, sin ahorrarse adjetivos, al presidente Martinelli en los sobornos.”
Debido a la gestión diligente y oportuna de Berguido, como embajador, se logró que la República de Panamá fuera aceptada como parte afectada dentro del proceso judicial por el delito de corrupción internacional, que se conocía en Italia. Además, por su formación como abogado y periodista de investigación llevó con éxito una compleja negociación diplomática que anuló los contratos suscritos con Finmeccanica y se obligó a las empresas italianas a reconocer el sobreprecio pactado y a devolverlo. En total se recuperaron más de 100 millones de dólares a favor de la República de Panamá. El esfuerzo realizado por Berguido, para dejar sin efecto las transacciones comerciales ilícitas y resolver la problemática a través de una negociación diplomática, marcó el inicio de una nueva era en las relaciones comerciales entre las dos naciones; una en que se busca desarrollar proyecto con apego a la ley y la transparencia.
El presidente Varela informó sobre la negociación realizada, dejo claro que se trataba de un acuerdo comercial, que no impedía la persecución penal de los responsables. Muchos panameños mostraron sin reservas su apoyo a estas diligencias, ya que este caso ejemplifica que cuando existe voluntad política y funcionarios honestos, el beneficio es para el país y sus habitantes.
“Anatomía de una trampa” queda plasmado la manera en que muchos gobernantes se enriquecen a través de los negociosos que realiza el Estado, pero además es un relato que nos muestra que la diplomacia puede ser muy efectiva cuando es manejada con pericia.
La forma en que se negoció la anulación de los contratos con Finmeccanica y la devolución de los sobreprecios a favor de Panamá, puede servir de inspiración para otros países de América Latina sobre los que hoy cae la sombra de los sobornos millonarios pagados por la empresa Odebrecht a los funcionarios públicos. No basta con iniciar procesos penales contra los responsables de esas negociaciones ilegales, también se debe requerir a la empresa que restituya al Estado los sobreprecios pactados.
Hace falta encontrar mecanismos para romper el círculo vicioso de los gobernantes latinoamericanos. Aquellos que son artífices de lo que Berguido describe como el pacto de mafiosos, no escrito, de impunidad: cuando el nuevo presidente termina cuidando las espaldas al anterior, para promover que el próximo le cuide la propia.
La obra de Berugido debe ser una lectura obligatoria para quienes reconocen que la corrupción es uno de los mayores impedimentos del desarrollo de los países. También para los funcionarios honestos que están dispuestos a trabajar por el bien de su país y para quienes impulsan reformas en los sistemas de justicia, con el anhelo que algún día las cortes tengan las herramientas que les permitan castigar a quienes abusan del poder.
Winter 2018, Volume XVIII, Number 2
Claudia Escobar is a former magistrate of the Court of Appeals of Guatemala and a respected legal scholar. She became the lead whistleblower in a case of grand corruption that revealed illegal interference in Guatemala’s judiciary by high-ranking political officials including the country’s vice-president and the former president of Congress. She was the 2015–2016 Scholar at Risk Fellow at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. During 2016 -2017 she was a fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) in Washington DC, examining the impact of international institutions on the fight against corruption in Guatemala. She is now affiliated with Georgetown University as a Centennial Fellow in the Walsh School of Foreign Services. She can be reached at claudiaescobarm@alumni.harvard.edu
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